leon
ミステリアスナイと
misuteriasunaito
mysterious night
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漢字
english
薔薇の戦士
BARAnosorujaa
rosen soldier
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思い出に抱かれて
OMOiDEniDAkarete
held in my heart
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漢字
english
flow
mihaly csikszentmihalyi
creativity: flow and the psychology of discovery and invention
mihaly csikszentmihalyi 1996
default mode contributions to automated information processing
deniz vatansever et al. 2017
dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1710521114
In addition to dealing with variable demands of the environment in everyday life, we are continuously faced with routine, predictable challenges that require fast and effective responses. In an fMRI-based cognitive flexibility task, we show greater activity/connectivity centered on the default mode network during such automated decision-making under predictable environmental demands. Furthermore, we report on a significant correlation between this network and hippocampal connectivity and individual differences in the participants’ ability to make automated, fast, and accurate responses. Together, these results suggest an “autopilot” role for this network that may have important theoretical implications for our understanding of healthy brain processing in meeting worldly demands.
Concurrent with mental processes that require rigorous computation and control, a series of automated decisions and actions govern our daily lives, providing efficient and adaptive responses to environmental demands. Using a cognitive flexibility task, we show that a set of brain regions collectively known as the default mode network plays a crucial role in such “autopilot” behavior, i.e., when rapidly selecting appropriate responses under predictable behavioral contexts. While applying learned rules, the default mode network shows both greater activity and connectivity. Furthermore, functional interactions between this network and hippocampal and parahippocampal areas as well as primary visual cortex correlate with the speed of accurate responses. These findings indicate a memory-based “autopilot role” for the default mode network, which may have important implications for our current understanding of healthy and adaptive brain processing.
how intermittent breaks in interaction improve collective intelligence
ethan bernstein et al. 2018
http://dx.doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1802407115
Many human endeavors—from teams and organizations to crowds and democracies—rely on solving problems collectively. Prior research has shown that when people interact and influence each other while solving complex problems, the average problem-solving performance of the group increases, but the best solution of the group actually decreases in quality. We find that when such influence is intermittent it improves the average while maintaining a high maximum performance. We also show that storing solutions for quick recall is similar to constant social influence. Instead of supporting more transparency, the results imply that technologies and organizations should be redesigned to intermittently isolate people from each other’s work for best collective performance in solving complex problems.
People influence each other when they interact to solve problems. Such social influence introduces both benefits (higher average solution quality due to exploitation of existing answers through social learning) and costs (lower maximum solution quality due to a reduction in individual exploration for novel answers) relative to independent problem solving. In contrast to prior work, which has focused on how the presence and network structure of social influence affect performance, here we investigate the effects of time. We show that when social influence is intermittent it provides the benefits of constant social influence without the costs. Human subjects solved the canonical traveling salesperson problem in groups of three, randomized into treatments with constant social influence, intermittent social influence, or no social influence. Groups in the intermittent social-influence treatment found the optimum solution frequently (like groups without influence) but had a high mean performance (like groups with constant influence); they learned from each other, while maintaining a high level of exploration. Solutions improved most on rounds with social influence after a period of separation. We also show that storing subjects’ best solutions so that they could be reloaded and possibly modified in subsequent rounds—a ubiquitous feature of personal productivity software—is similar to constant social influence: It increases mean performance but decreases exploration.
a better distraction: exploring the benefits of flow during uncertain waiting periods
kyla rankin et al. 2018
http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/emo0000479
families that participated in more leisure with lower levels of recreation environment incongruity would have higher levels of individual happiness
in the pursuit of happiness all family leisure is not equal
karen k. melton, ramon b. zabriskie 2016
http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/16078055.2016.1228154
Link: dx.doi.org/10.1080/16078055.2016.1228154
Bye Bye My Crisis
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CHASE THE DREAM
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clarity: clear your mind, have more time, make better decisions and achieve bigger results
jamie smart 2013
“hidden hamster wheel is the mistaken idea that our “core states” such as security, confidence, peace, love, happiness and success can be provided or threatened by our circumstances; by something “visible.”
“You can’t take your THOUGHT-generated experiential reality at face value – it always looks real. That’s its job.”
this is the root of all the “reality” problems.
“Single-paradigm pioneers, Valda Monroe and Keith Blevens, PhD, draw a powerful distinction between applications and implications.
When we don’t understand the principles behind how something works, we tend to look for applications. Procedures, “how-tos” and step-by-step processes are an attempt to make progress when we don’t intuitively know how something works. The vast majority of personal development, business and leadership books are focused on applications in the absence of a principled understanding. As a result, people often have trouble implementing what they’ve learned from those programmes, and add the applications to the list of things they know they “should” be doing.
The principles behind how something works have implications. When you intuitively understand these principles, the implications inform and guide your thoughts and behaviours in the moment, resolving issues that were previously insoluble and revealing opportunities that were previously invisible.”
“many of the behavioural problems people experience (ranging from distraction to addiction) are the result of an attempt to medicate agitated, uncomfortable feelings that look like they’re coming from something other than their thinking.”
“We innocently look in the tangible (but illusory) world of form for our clarity, well-being, security and success because the light’s so much better here. But you can never find something where it isn’t, no matter how hard you look. Our experience of the world of form is an illusion; an often-practical illusion, but an illusion nevertheless.”
“Because the intellect is a form-manipulation system, and cannot conceive of the formless, we need to use metaphors to point to it. The words THOUGHT, CONSCIOUSNESS and MIND are themselves metaphors that point to the formless principles creating our experience of life.”
creative careers: the life cycles of nobel laureates in economics
bruce a. weinberg, david w. galenson 2019
http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10645-019-09339-9
A new study of winners of the Nobel Prize in economics finds that there are two different life cycles of creativity, one that hits some people early in their career and another that more often strikes later in life.
In this study, the early peak was found for laureates in their mid-20s and the later peak for those in their mid-50s.
The research supports previous work by the authors that found similar patterns in the arts and other sciences.
"We believe what we found in this study isn't limited to economics, but could apply to creativity more generally," said Bruce Weinberg, lead author of the study and professor of economics at The Ohio State University.
"Many people believe that creativity is exclusively associated with youth, but it really depends on what kind of creativity you're talking about."
Weinberg did the study with David Galenson, professor of economics at the University of Chicago. Their study appears in a special issue of the journal De Economist.
In the study, the Nobel Prize winners who did their most groundbreaking work early in their career tended to be "conceptual" innovators.
These type of innovators "think outside the box," challenging conventional wisdom and tend to come up with new ideas suddenly. Conceptual innovators tend to peak early in their careers, before they become immersed in the already accepted theories of the field, Weinberg said.
But there is another kind of creativity, he said, which is found among "experimental" innovators. These innovators accumulate knowledge through their careers and find groundbreaking ways to analyze, interpret and synthesize that information into new ways of understanding.
The long periods of trial and error required for important experimental innovations make them tend to occur late in a Nobel laureate's career.
"Whether you hit your creative peak early or late in your career depends on whether you have a conceptual or experimental approach," Weinberg said.
The researchers took a novel, empirical approach to the study, which involved 31 laureates. They arranged the laureates on a list from the most experimental to most conceptual.
This ranking was based on specific, objective characteristics of the laureates' single most important work that are indicative of a conceptual or experimental approach.
For example, conceptual economists tend to use assumptions, proofs and equations and have a mathematical appendix or introduction to their papers.
Experimental economists rely on direct inference from facts, so their papers tended to have more references to specific items, such as places, time periods and industries or commodities.
After classifying the laureates, the researchers determined the age at which each laureate made his most important contribution to economics and could be considered at his creative peak.
They did this through a convention of how academics rate the value and influence of a research paper. A paper is more influential in the field when other scientists mention -- or cite -- the paper in their own work. So the more citations a paper accumulates, the more influential it is.
Weinberg and Galenson used two different methods to calculate at which age the laureates were cited most often and thus were at the height of their creativity.
The two methods found that conceptual laureates peaked at about either 29 or 25 years of age. Experimental laureates peaked when they were roughly twice as old -- at about 57 in one method or the mid-50s in the other.
Most other research in this area has studied differences in peak ages of creativity between disciplines, such as physics versus medical sciences. These studies generally find small variations across disciplines, with creativity peaking in the mid-30s to early 40s in most scientific fields.
"These studies attribute differences in creative peaks to the nature of the scientific fields themselves, not to the scientists doing the work," Weinberg said.
"Our research suggests than when you're most creative is less a product of the scientific field that you're in and is more about how you approach the work you do."
abstract We identify two polar life cycles of scholarly creativity among Nobel laureate economists with Tinbergen falling broadly in the middle. Experimental innovators work inductively, accumulating knowledge from experience. Conceptual innovators work deductively, applying abstract principles. Innovators whose work is more conceptual do their most important work earlier in their careers than those whose work is more experimental. Our estimates imply that the probability that the most conceptual laureate publishes his single best work peaks at age 25 compared to the mid-50 s for the most experimental laureate. Thus, while experience benefits experimental innovators, newness to a field benefits conceptual innovators.
video games can increase creativity, but with caveats
jorge a. blanco-herrera et al. 2019
http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10400419.2019.1594524
Video games that foster creative freedom can increase creativity under certain conditions, according to new research from Iowa State University. The experimental study compared the effect of playing Minecraft, with or without instruction, to watching a TV show or playing a race car video game. Those given the freedom to play Minecraft without instruction were most creative.
"It's not just that Minecraft can help induce creativity. There seems to be something about choosing to do it that also matters," said Douglas Gentile, a professor of psychology.
If you are not familiar with the game, Gentile says Minecraft is like a virtual Lego world. The game, which has sold more than 100 million copies, allows players to explore unique worlds and create anything they can imagine. Study participants randomly assigned to play Minecraft were split into two groups. The one receiving instruction was told to play as creatively as possible.
After 40 minutes of play or watching TV, the 352 participants completed several creativity tasks. To measure creative production, they were asked to draw a creature from a world much different than Earth. More human-like creatures scored low for creativity and those less human-like scored high. Surprisingly, those instructed to be creative while playing Minecraft were the least creative.
Gentile says there's no clear explanation for this finding. In the paper published by Creativity Research Journal, he, Jorge Blanco-Herrera, lead author and former master's student in psychology; and Jeffrey Rokkum, former Ph.D. student in psychology, outlined possible reasons why the instructed Minecraft group scored lower. Blanco-Herrera says the instructions may have changed subjects' motivation for play.
"Being told to be creative may have actually limited their options while playing, resulting in a less creative experience," Blanco-Herrera said. "It's also possible they used all their 'creative juices' while playing and had nothing left when it came time to complete the test."
Games teach creativity similar to aggression
Video games can have both harmful and beneficial effects. Gentile's previous research has shown the amount, content and context of video games influence what players learn through repeated experiences. While much of Gentile's research has focused on aggression or prosocial behavior, he says the same appears to be true for creativity.
Most video games encourage players to practice some level of creativity. For example, players may create a character and story for role-playing games or be rewarded for creative strategies in competitive games. The researchers say even first-person shooter games can potentially inspire creativity as players think about strategy and look for advantages in combat.
"The research is starting to tell a more interesting, nuanced picture. Our results are similar to other gaming research in that you get better at what you practice, but how you practice might matter just as much," Gentile said.
The researchers say based on these findings, it is important to not disregard the potential video games have as engaging and adaptive educational opportunities.
abstract Although many studies have focused on aggression or visual-spatial cognition effects of video games, the problem-solving aspects have been largely ignored. This study sought to expand the existing literature on video game effects by focusing on a rarely-tested outcome: creative production. As a game with few rules and a high amount of player freedom, Minecraft exemplifies a game that fosters players’ abilities for creative expression. This experimental study included 352 undergraduates and it compared the effect of playing Minecraft on creativity measures compared to watching a TV show (passive control), a driving game (game control), and playing Minecraft with specific instructions (an instructional control). A within-subjects analysis found a significant correlation between trait creativity and game play habits. Between-groups experimental analyses showed that players randomly assigned to play Minecraft without instruction demonstrated significantly higher scores on post-game creativity measures compared to those who played Minecraft with instructions to “be creative,” those who played a driving game, or those who watched a television show. Results indicate that effects are not solely predicted by game mechanics, but also by the way the player plays.
the possibilities of creativity
peter o’connor 2016
creativity: the human brain in the age of innovation
elkhonon goldberg 2018
the runaway species: how human creativity remakes the world
anthony brandt, david eagleman 2017
inventology: how we dream up things that change the world
pagan kennedy 2016
the origins of creativity
edward o. wilson 2017
group genius: the creative power of collaboration
robert keith sawyer 2007, 2017
trying not to try: the art and science of spontaneity
edward slingerland 2014
tinker dabble doodle try: unlock the power of the unfocused mind
srini pillay 2017
choke: what the secrets of the brain reveal about getting it right when you have to
sian beilock 2010
悪魔と天使のキス
AKUMAtoTEN–SHInokissu
devil and angel’s kiss
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漢字
english
明日へタッチダウン
ASUetacchidaun
touchdown to tomorrow
VICTORY
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KIZUDARAKE NO WILD
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スリルに踊る天使たち
suriruniODOru enjerutachi
angels dancing in the thrill
MAD MACHINE
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漢字
english
今夜はハリケーン
KON–YAwaharikeen
there’s a hurricane tonight
漢字
english