li
mindset; the new psychology of success
carol dweck 2006 9781588365231
the journey to children’s mindsets—and beyond
carol dweck 2017
doi.org/10.1111/cdep.12225
a strategic mindset: an orientation toward strategic behavior during goal pursuit
patricia chen et al. 2020
doi.org/10.1073/pnas.2002529117
people with a strategic mindset are the ones who, in the face of challenges or setbacks, ask themselves: “How else can I do this? Is there a better way of doing this?”. Done in collaboration with Stanford University psychologists, this research shows that, as a result, these people tend to apply more effective strategies when working towards their goals in life – including educational, work, health and fitness goals. In turn, they achieve higher school grades, make greater progress towards their professional, health, and fitness goals, and even perform a novel challenging task more efficiently.
“These findings are exciting because psychological science has long known that having a wide repertoire of strategies matters. But until now, we hadn’t understood why some people use their strategies more than others at the right time. We developed our research on the strategic mindset to explain why this might be,” said Asst Prof Chen, lead author of the study.
Asst Prof Chen and her collaborators conducted a series of three studies, involving over 860 college students and working adults from the United States. One of their studies on 365 college students found that students’ strategic mindset predicted how much they reported using effective learning strategies in their classes. And the more they used these effective strategies, the better they performed in their classes that semester, and also in new, different classes the subsequent semester. A second study surveying 365 adults across the United States about their strategic mindset, and relating their mindset to how effective these adults were at pursuing professional, educational, health, and fitness goals of importance to them, produced similar findings.
Can people learn a strategic mindset? Yes, the researchers found that a strategic mindset can indeed be taught. In an experiment, they randomly assigned some people to learn about a strategic mindset through a brief training session. Later, they gave these people a novel, challenging task to accomplish as quickly as possible. Compared to other people in the study who were not exposed to these strategic mindset ideas, those who had learnt about a strategic mindset later applied more effective strategies to accomplish the task. Their strategic behaviours, in turn, translated into faster task performance. Additionally, these people who had learnt about a strategic mindset also voluntarily practised the task more before they had to perform it under time pressure – suggesting that a strategic mindset also has important implications for practice.
How does the strategic mindset work? Co-author Professor Carol Dweck from the Department of Psychology at Stanford University explained, “There are key points in any challenging pursuit that require people to step back and come up with new strategies. A strategic mindset helps them do just that.”
Today, many around the world are facing greater struggles. The good news is, people can immediately apply this insight to their lives. Asst Prof Chen advised, “As you approach whatever challenging goal you are pursuing, you can ask yourself, ‘What are things I can do to help myself (and others)? Is there a way to do this even better?’ If something you have been working on isn’t going so well, can you step back and ask yourself, ‘How might I go about this differently? Is there another approach I can try to help this go better?’”
abstract Modern life and work involve grappling with many novel challenging tasks. What makes some people more strategic, and hence more effective, as they approach these tasks? This research introduces and tests a psychological construct—a “strategic mindset”—which involves asking oneself strategy-eliciting questions, such as “What can I do to help myself?” or “Is there a way to do this even better?” in the face of challenges or insufficient progress. A strategic mindset uniquely predicts how much people report actively using strategies and, in turn, how effective they are at pursuing goals across life domains. The findings suggest that being strategic entails more than just having specific strategic skills—it appears to also entail an orientation toward accessing and employing them.
Many attractive jobs in today’s world require people to take on new challenges and figure out how to master them. As with any challenging goal, this involves systematic strategy use. Here we ask: Why are some people more likely to take a strategic stance toward their goals, and can this tendency be cultivated? To address these questions, we introduce the idea of a domain-general “strategic mindset.” This mindset involves asking oneself strategy-eliciting questions, such as “What can I do to help myself?”, “How else can I do this?”, or “Is there a way to do this even better?”, in the face of challenges or insufficient progress. In three studies (n = 864), people who scored higher on (or were primed with) a strategic mindset reported using more metacognitive strategies; in turn, they obtained higher college grade point averages (GPAs) (Study 1); reported greater progress toward their professional, educational, health, and fitness goals (Study 2); and responded to a challenging timed laboratory task by practicing it more and performing it faster (Study 3). We differentiated a strategic mindset from general self-efficacy, self-control, grit, and growth mindsets and showed that it explained unique variance in people’s use of metacognitive strategies. These findings suggest that being strategic entails more than just having specific metacognitive skills—it appears to also entail an orientation toward seeking and employing them.
rfugger re patricia chen et al. 2020:
Thanks for the link to the actual study article. The interesting part to me was Study 3, where they randomized participants into two groups to test the causative effect of priming with an article about strategic thinking vs. an article about the mental health effects of cold showers (meant to be engaging, but have no effect on their performance). They then were asked to extract as much egg white as possible from raw whole eggs in 2 minutes.
The results were that those who were primed to think more strategically obtained about 26g more material in 2 minutes, which was about 1/3 the weight of an egg. (Edit: this was actual only reported as 26g per unit of increased self-reported metacognitive thinking — the actual real-world performance difference between the two groups did not seem to be mentioned at all!) This was found to be a statistically significant difference. Interestingly, they did not report on what percentage improvement this was, only the absolute difference in weight. We don’t know if the strategic thinking article led to a 1% improvement or a 10% improvement. Effect size matters, so this seems like a significant omission to me.
Furthermore, when they tried to control for accuracy by subtracting the weight of an egg for any egg that got some yolk spilled into the egg white container, there was no difference between groups, meaning the article had no effect. They didn’t appear to tell participants that they might be penalized the entire egg if any yolk spilled, nor did they attempt to accurately measure and subtract the actual amount of yolk spilled, so it’s hard to say what we might conclude from this. We might say that the primed group worked faster but not as carefully.
Overall it’s hard for me to draw strong conclusions from this study. I tend to be quite suspicious of the supposed effect of priming on performance, as opposed to more commonly-understood factors like caring about the outcome and training.
slatestarcodex.com/2015/04/08/no-clarity-around-growth-mindset-yet/
metamorphosis: how and why we change
polly morland 2016
simply showing people a ‘burning platform’, although all too common, is a lousy way of motivating them to change. Instead you must offer them the ‘shining beacon’ of a hopeful future and that can be conjured with structured, imaginative effort:
‘You don’t have to like your clients, but it is essential to love them. You’ve got to see beyond the bad behaviour, because there’s a lot of that, into the human being behind it. And that behaviour is actually just a trigger into an opportunity to change the world for the better.’
possible selves
rose markus, hazel & nurius, paula 1986
Introduces the concept of possible selves (PSs) to complement current conceptions of self-knowledge. PSs represent individuals’ ideas of what they might become, what they would like to become, and what they are afraid of becoming, and thus provide a conceptual link beteen cognition and motivation. PSs are the cognitive components of hopes, fears, goals, and threats; they give the specific self-relevant form, meaning, €organization, and direction to these dynamics. It is suggested that PSs function as incentives for future behavior and to provide an evaluative and interpretive context for the current view of self. The nature and function of PSs and their role in addressing several persistent problems (e.g., the stability and malleability of the self, the unity of the self, self-distortion, the relationship between the self-concept and behavior) are discussed.
alongside any dream we might harbour of our ideal self, the happy, wealthy, attractive, successful version, there are also other possible selves, those that surrender to what we feel is attainable and also those that plunge deep into our darkest fears of loneliness, failure, poverty, rejection. Perhaps the most important feature of this gaggle of possible selves is that they do not travel alone, but rather that any of us, at any given time, has a number of possible selves that jostle and barge like a crowd of schoolchildren, according to the conditions of the present.
This combination of unruly plurality, the essential unpredictability of the future and a tendency to play fast and loose with the present facts is, Markus and Nurius argued, the reason why these possible selves had spent so long in the wilderness of psychological study. In general, the science always sought to drill down towards some core, the most true, the most central, the most authentic. Little heed was paid to what Markus and Nurius characterised as ‘a continually active, shifting array of available self-knowledge’, its distortions, its wild flights of imaginative fancy or fear. In so doing, contended the paper, we had all but ignored the very architecture of our lives over time, the way in which we concoct, achieve or resist a restless throng of possible selves.
Their point was that this inner realm of make-believe is more than imaginative background
noise. It can and does direct not only our hopes and fears, but also more practical aspects of motivation and behaviour, serving to form what Markus and Nurius call ‘cognitive bridges between the present and future’. In this way, these possible selves, the fruit of our ever-stirring imagination, turn out to be the building blocks of the new stories we write for ourselves. They are the very fount of change and sometimes even redemption.
‘Who we are and who we become depends, in part, on whom we love.’
‘Every form of addiction is bad,’ Jung wrote, ‘no matter whether the narcotic be alcohol or morphine or idealism.’
happiness cannot be pursued; it must ensue. One must have a reason to “be happy.” Once the reason is found, however, one becomes happy automatically.’ And according to Frankl, such a reason can be found even when it seems to be most elusive. ‘Even the helpless victim of a hopeless situation,’ he concluded, ‘facing a fate he cannot change, may rise above himself, may grow beyond himself and by so doing change himself.’
Contemporary scholars tend to translate eudaimonia as ‘flourishing’, but the point is that it is not a passive state. It is an activity full of human agency and focused on the habitual practise of the virtues that make up the Good Life. It is not something you are; it is something that you do. As Aristotle put it in the Nicomachean Ethics, ‘this activity must occupy a complete lifetime; for as it is not one swallow or one fine day that makes a spring, so it is not one day or a short time that makes a man blessed and happy.’
‘Not everybody wants to change, but I think that getting a sense that life is fragile and has an ending can really light a fire under you. It’s a call to action. For me it was the realisation that if I simply let life happen to me, I wasn’t necessarily going to like what happened and I realised that wasn’t enough for me, that I also wanted to play a hand in creating my life and that there is a timeline’ – she grabs a sweater and a book from the desk and puts them in her lap – ‘so I’d better get moving.’
If we simply regard future events or milestones through a ‘fine-grained’ time metric of days, rather than through
‘gross-grained’ months or years, we automatically feel a closer psychological affinity with them. That affinity, that ability to pick out the smile on the face of your Future Self over there across the valley, in turn has a palpable effect on our inclination to give that Future Self a helping hand. The irony is that this sense of continuity arguably makes us more likely to change.
experimental evidence for tipping points in social convention
damon centola et al. 2018
doi.org/10.1126/science.aas8827
measuring the impact of interaction between children of a matrilineal and a patriarchal culture on gender differences in risk aversion
elaine m. liu, sharon xuejing zuo 2019
doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1808336116
gender differences in risk aversion are shaped by culture and the social environment and that those differences can shift, at least in children.
"Environment is extremely important in shaping risk aversion," said Elaine Liu, associate professor of economics and author of a paper on the subject published this week in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences. "If we can teach girls that they should be more risk loving, perhaps that will shape their future decision-making."
Liu and co-author Sharon Xuejing Zuo of Fudan University looked at the behavior of children from two distinct cultures -- the matrilineal Mosuo and the traditionally patriarchal Han -- who attended the same school in Yunnan, China.
When the children first began elementary school, Mosuo girls took more risks than Mosuo boys, while Han girls were less likely to take risks than Han boys, in keeping with their parents' cultural norms. But that began to change as the children were exposed to the other culture.
It worked both ways, Liu said. Mosuo girls became more risk-averse, while Han girls became more risk-loving.
"There was a convergence," Liu said. "The Mosuo girls took more risks than Han girls at the beginning, but their attitudes toward taking risks become more similar as they spent more time together."
The researchers studied children in elementary and middle school; Liu said it's not clear whether the changes will be sustained as the children return to their home villages. She and Zuo hope to launch a long-term study to determine if the shift in attitudes toward risk-taking is permanent.
They measured students' attitudes toward risk-taking through a lottery-style game, offering the students six choices ranging from a guaranteed three-yuan payout to a 50/50 percent chance of winning 10 yuan or nothing. Ten yuan would allow the children to buy five notebooks or about five popsicles at a local store; the amount of the reward was chosen after consulting with school principals.
Liu and Zuo conducted their research in Yunnan, a province in southwestern China, because it is one of the few places where children from cultures with distinctly different gender norms come together in one place. But Liu said the basic discovery -- that risk aversion is quite malleable at a young age -- should be applicable across cultures.
"Gender norms are slow to change, but there are social influences that could play a role in how we shape that behavior," Liu said. And that could have long-term economic consequences, she said, even potentially shrinking the gender pay gap if it led to women choosing riskier but higher-reward career paths.
Studies show that women are more risk averse than men. We explore sources and malleability of such differences in a setting where children of two culturally distinct populations, the matrilineal Mosuo and the traditionally patriarchal Han, come together to attend school. Using survey and field experiments, we elicit individual risk attitudes from elementary and middle school students from the two populations. When they first enter school, Mosuo girls take more risks than Mosuo boys, while Han girls are more risk averse than Han boys, reflecting cultural differences. However, after spending time in the majority-Han environment, Mosuo children adopt the risk preferences of the majority. This shows that risk preferences are shaped by culture and malleable in response to new environments.
Abstract
Many studies find that women are more risk averse than men. Why does such a gender gap exist, and how malleable is this gender gap in risk aversion? The paper takes advantage of a rare setting in which children of the matrilineal Mosuo and the traditionally patriarchal Han attend the same schools in Yunnan, China to shed light on these questions. In particular, we exploit the fact that children would experience a shock in gender norms when they start to intermingle with children from other ethnic groups with the opposite gender norms at school. Using survey and field experiments, we elicit risk attitudes from Mosuo and Han elementary and middle school students. We find that, at the time when they first enter school, Mosuo and Han children exhibit opposite gender norms—Mosuo girls take more risks than Mosuo boys, while Han girls are more risk averse than Han boys, reflecting cultural differences. However, after Mosuo students spend more time with Han students, Mosuo girls become more and more risk averse. By age 11, Mosuo girls are also more risk averse than Mosuo boys. We also observe a shrinking gap in risk aversion for Han over time. Using random roommate assignment for boarding middle school students, we find Mosuo boys who have fewer Mosuo roommates behave more similarly to Han boys. This shows that risk preferences are shaped by culture and malleable in response to new environments.
gender normrisksocializationpeerculture
Many studies have found women to be more risk averse than men [see the handbook chapter by Eckel and Grossman (1)]. Several have suggested that this difference in attitudes toward risk taking could partially explain the difference in career choices between men and women, which could, in turn, lead to the gender wage gap (2, 3). Given the observed gender difference in risk attitudes and the importance of risk attitudes, it is necessary to understand the origin of these gaps. Are these biological differences, or are they the result of social environment? Furthermore, if they are a result of the surrounding social environment, how malleable is this gender gap in risk preference, and what mechanisms could affect risk attitudes?
This paper seeks to answer these questions by studying the risk-taking behaviors among the children of two ethnic groups in Yunnan, China with nearly opposite gender norms. Yunnan provides us with a rare setting in which children of the matrilineal Mosuo and the traditionally patriarchal Han attend the same schools.* Within this setting, we examine how intermingling between children from these disparate cultural backgrounds affects their respective gendered behavior. According to Berry et al. (4), a child can choose to maintain his/her own cultural heritage, choose to adapt to the other culture, or both. Therefore, it is unclear whether socialization with groups of opposite gender norms enhances or reduces the gender differences in risk attitudes.
The Mosuo and Han differ in many ways, but most notably, they have distinctly different gender norms. The Mosuo are the only ethnic minority group in China that maintains a matrilineal culture.† A Mosuo family typically includes members bound by the ties of maternal kin, with the grandmother generally being the household head. Grandmothers, maternal granduncles, mothers, mothers’ brothers, mothers’ sisters, and children live in the same household (6, 7). Mosuo children are raised by the mother’s household, and the children’s father is often excluded from the household. In Mosuo society, women play an important role in the family decision making, which includes household labor arrangement, crop choices, and spending decisions (8). According to Shih (7) and Walsh (9), women in this society enjoy a social status that is higher than or equal to men. There is very limited evidence on why a matrilineal culture would promote risk-taking behaviors among women. One study has found a positive relationship between agriculture income and reproductive success (i.e., number of surviving children) of Mosuo women (10). Therefore, since Mosuo women are often the head of the household, risk-taking behaviors, which could lead to higher income, could be rewarding. An experimental economic paper by Gong and Yang (11) also rationalizes that Mosuo women (men) have more (less) economic responsibility and have more support from their maternal family; hence, they can take on more risk than other cultures.
Conversely, Han Chinese have been influenced by Confucianism for thousands of years. The traditional Han family system is patriarchal and patrilineal. The household head of the family is typically the oldest male, who is responsible for major decisions. Kinship in Han families is passed down through the male descent line: sons and their male offspring continue the family name, and they are expected to support their aging parents (12). Women’s status is traditionally subordinate to men. Although the Cultural Revolution in the 1960s challenged these traditional values, some vestiges of male dominance in Han culture remain (13). For example, the prevalence of sex-selected abortion due to a preference for sons is one piece of evidence that patriarchal and patrilineal influences are ingrained in Han culture (14).
For this study, we visited Yongning Township located in Ninglang County, Yunnan Province. Yongning has the largest Mosuo population. In this township, Mosuo and Han children attend the same schools, are taught by the same teachers, and interact daily. We conduct surveys and elicit risk preference of Mosuo and Han elementary and middle school children using incentivized experiments.
pervasive human-driven decline of life on earth points to the need for transformative change
sandra díaz et al. 2019
doi.org/10.1126/science.aax3100
“We cannot save the planet — and ourselves — until we understand how tightly woven people and the natural benefits that allow us to survive are,” said Jianguo “Jack” Liu, MSU Rachel Carson Chair in Sustainability and a co-author. “We have learned new ways to understand these connections, even as they spread across the globe. This strategy has given us the power to understand the full scope of a problem, which allows us to find true solutions.”
Nature’s capacity to provide beneficial regulation of environmental processes, such as modulating air and water quality, sequestering carbon, building healthy soils, pollinating crops, and providing coastal protection from hazards such as storms and storm surges, has decreased globally, but not evenly. Scientists, the paper notes, have gotten better collecting information and modeling situations to more accurately reflect how the world truly works.
Among that methodology increasingly adopted by scientists across the world is telecoupling, introduced by Liu in 2008 and the framework since applied to more than 500 scientific papers. The telecoupling framework is an integrative way to study coupled human and natural systems that are linked over long distances. The framework keeps both the humans and the natural in focus and shows how changes can reverberate far beyond, and then even double back.
Their group’s dedication to integrative approaches has produced a litany of human impact: 70% of land surfaces altered, 77% of major rivers no longer flow from source to sea, the tally of animal species going extinct is rising, biodiversity is being lost.
The group applies different scenarios to see how plausible changes have an effect. Starkly, they note nothing on Earth ultimately wins in the “business as usual” scenario.
They say that what our planet needs — quickly — is transformative change. A new way of doing business, what they term “a system-wide reorganization across technological, economic and social factors, making sustainability the norm rather than the altruistic exception.”
“We humans have advanced to the point where we are able to understand our world as never before,” Liu said. “Now we must use that knowledge wisely, quickly. The stakes are high, the benefits can be enormous, but true sustainability will absolutely involve informed change.”
abstract The human impact on life on Earth has increased sharply since the 1970s, driven by the demands of a growing population with rising average per capita income. Nature is currently supplying more materials than ever before, but this has come at the high cost of unprecedented global declines in the extent and integrity of ecosystems, distinctness of local ecological communities, abundance and number of wild species, and the number of local domesticated varieties. Such changes reduce vital benefits that people receive from nature and threaten the quality of life of future generations. Both the benefits of an expanding economy and the costs of reducing nature’s benefits are unequally distributed. The fabric of life on which we all depend—nature and its contributions to people—is unravelling rapidly. Despite the severity of the threats and lack of enough progress in tackling them to date, opportunities exist to change future trajectories through transformative action. Such action must begin immediately, however, and address the root economic, social, and technological causes of nature’s deterioration.
intolerance of uncertainty predicts increased striatal volume
m. justin kim et al. 2017
doi.org/10.1037/emo0000331
posterior cingulate neurons dynamically signal decisions to disengage during foraging
david l. barack et al. 2017
doi.org/10.1016/j.neuron.2017.09.048
•Foraging salience drives monkeys’ choices to switch strategies in two tasks
•PCC neuronal activity during both tasks predicted strategy switches
•PCC neurons signaled salience in both tasks more strongly in poor than rich contexts
Foraging for resources is a fundamental behavior balancing systematic search and strategic disengagement. The foraging behavior of primates is especially complex and requires long-term memory, value comparison, strategic planning, and decision-making. Here we provide evidence from two different foraging tasks that neurons in primate posterior cingulate cortex (PCC) signal decision salience during foraging to motivate disengagement from the current strategy. In our foraging tasks, salience refers to the difference between decision thresholds and the net harvested reward. Salience signals were stronger in poor foraging contexts than rich ones, suggesting low harvest rates recruit mechanisms in PCC that regulate strategic disengagement and exploration during foraging.
Techniques that directly activate the posterior cingulate cortex like brain stimulation or game play that promotes distraction, particularly within situations that don’t allow a routine to form, can lead to more creativity.
“People who have more activity there have more mind-wandering, and they tend to be more creative,” according to Platt. “It suggests that capacity to be more creative evolved for a very specific purpose, which is to allow you to forage efficiently in a landscape that’s always changing.”
high rugosity cities: the geographic, economic and regulatory pathology of america’s most non-concentric urban areas
catherine brinkley 2018
doi.org/10.1016/j.landusepol.2018.01.024
scale: the universal laws of growth, innovation, sustainability, and the pace of life in organisms, cities, economies, and companies
geoffrey west 2017
mindshift: break through obstacles to learning and discover your hidden potential
barbara oakley 2018
extrastatecraft: the power of infrastructure space
keller easterling 2014
it is not that we will be stuck in one state forever or that we would be stuck in constant change. we will always face challenges and so we will always be stuck in something — we seek to change what we are stuck with so that we deal with different things
the first question I should ask my friend is, “what is your understanding of change?”
it might seem as if there are two competing forces, one of constancy and one of change, but in reality they are one and the same, have been so, and always will be.
neuroplasticity, epigenetics, evolution, are showing the way that change is emerging in people's consciousness of biology. as for philosophy, the idea of change is crucial to the concept of choice. when we can choose in a meaningful way, then only does morality really exist.
we develop by replacing what no longer works with what does now work and what will work in the future. yet most of the time, what we see seems unchanging — what works, and doesn't, seems to rule the world. this is not a paradox. there is no reason to change until it is necessary, and also at the same time we must prepare the way for change as comes — and it will come.
yet often things do seem the same on the surface, even as it changes — our bodies, society, and the earth herself.
change in ancient times can be studied through what has endured from those times — their changing ideas. (read sophus’ book, also the role of the gods in ancient greece)
what we now lack most is no longer data or access to data, but our ability to change
mavericks are essential because by living outside, in some way, of the past prevailing current, they show the way of the current as it is now and as it will be
mankind as the only animal that strains against the flow of change. there may be some upside to this behavior but I haven't come across those benefits yet, only seen the downsides and tried to understand and implement a solution to them.
change habit, routine, pattern
institutional inertia resists change, whether it is abusive or responsible. thus once an institution becomes mostly abusive (because its individuals are now mostly abusive) then it becomes a massive obstacle to responsible change.
in computing or biology, the time in which a static fact or process description is a valid representation of reality can be as short as hours or days. it is important to reassess information whenever we encounter it, to understand how, if at all, it still represents reality.
questioning reality
If habit is a self reinforcing cycle, then one way to stop a habit is to find a key part of the cycle and stop doing it in the way that reinforces the cycle.
system justification
people are motivated to rationalize the status quo as legitimate—even if it goes directly against their interests.
fear of threat from others who believe the status quo should not be sullied
“We find surface ways of appearing original—donning a bow tie, wearing bright red shoes—without taking the risk of actually being original.”
People like to think that what they do is immutable, that it is justified, and not only that, but justified since antiquity. Sometimes when people think about their achievements within a framework, such as science, or religion, or politics, this assumption colours and biases their way of thinking. It distorts understanding because it simply is not true.
The premise is that nothing can have maintained its existence for a long time if it does not pertain to reality, or, as they say it, the truth. (lead to discussion of probability as indicator for )
One spell they were under is to conflate existence with goodness.
The Santa Ana in La Jolla or the Föhn in Germany or other changes of weather are not dangerous in themselves. We may be able to explain the illnesses they seem to bring by an analogy to rain runoff in La Jolla. These processes are dangerous because contaminants — created by human technology, industry and activity for example — which were stationary until the change of weather, are now stirred up and mobile, and distributed to humans. For example, dog faecal bacteria, freeway rubber tire tailings, pesticide residues, illegal industrial dumping, or radioactive dust — downright dangerous!
In La Jolla, it rarely rains so these kinds of contaminants are collected on the land and wash off in large quantities and concentrations when it rains. The storm drains lead to the sewers which lead to the sea. It is extremely unwise to be in the nearby sea soon after a rainstorm because of the effects this runoff cause.
ζυγός
Θέμις
themis
meditating at a waterfall
libra cloth